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1

the-human-cost-of-unsafe-abortions

The human cost of unsafe abortions

Romania’s history offers a rare natural experiment on what happens when abortion laws change rapidly. What can the rest of the world learn from this?

Romania’s history offers a rare natural experiment on what happens when abortion laws change rapidly. What can the rest of the world learn from this?

https://ourworldindata.org/the-human-cost-of-unsafe-abortions

CC-BY-4.0

["Hannah Ritchie"]

In the two decades from 1965 to 1985, maternal mortality fell sharply across Europe. Rates in my own country, the United Kingdom, fell by more than two-thirds. Romania was the exception. Its rates increased by almost 150%. By the late 1980s, Romanian women were dying at rates several times higher than in other Eastern European countries, and ten times higher than those in Western Europe, as the chart below shows. Why were Romanian women dying at much higher rates than in neighboring countries? To understand this, we need to go back three decades. In 1957, Romania legalized abortion. Surgical procedures became readily available, affordable, and relatively safe.1 At the same time, there was very little access to contraception, which made unintended pregnancies extremely common. As a result, many women relied on abortion to control their fertility. By the mid-1960s, more than a million abortions were performed each year, four times the number of babies born.2 You can see the impact of this in the next chart. In the decade from 1957 to the late 1960s, births fell by around 40%.3 But things changed when Nicolae Ceaușescu became president in 1965. Worried about declining births in Romania, Ceaușescu implemented “Decree 770”, which put tight restrictions on abortions and contraception. Abortion was banned except for women who were over 45 years old, had at least four children (later raised to five), faced life-threatening complications, or had been victims of rape.4 The impact of these restrictions was dramatic. Births nearly doubled from 1966 to 1967. Fertility rates increased from less than 2 births per woman to more than 3.5, as you can see in the chart below. Eventually, they fell again as couples found other ways to manage births, but it took many decades for them to drop back to pre-ban levels. So Ceaușescu’s plan to boost population growth worked. But making abortion illegal for most women meant that many turned to more dangerous alternatives. We know abortions continued because women and those who performed them were imprisoned or heavily fined when caught. Records suggest that many of these people were not medically trained.5 These procedures often relied on non-sterile metal instruments, improvised tools, or toxic substances to induce a miscarriage. As a result, many women suffered from severe internal bleeding, perforation of the uterus, or life-threatening conditions caused by infections. Because these procedures were illegal, women often delayed seeking medical help when complications arose, turning treatable problems into fatal ones. As you can see in the chart below, maternal mortality rates in Romania increased substantially in the decades following the abortion ban. This reflects the expansion of illegal abortion methods and practitioners, and partly explains why births gradually fell over the same period. A growing fraction of maternal deaths were caused by unsafe abortion; by the 1980s, these deaths accounted for more than 80% of the total.6 In 1989, Ceaușescu was overthrown, and just as quickly as abortion was criminalized, restrictions were lifted again. Maternal deaths declined as abortions moved from illegal methods to regulated ones.7 Over the course of the two-and-a-half decades when abortion was restricted, it’s estimated that around 10,000 Romanian women died from unsafe terminations.8 ## What can we learn from Romania’s experience? Romania’s sudden policy changes created a rare natural experiment: when abortion was legal, maternal deaths were low; when it was banned, they rose; and when it was legalized again, they fell. If we want to draw lessons from Romania’s history, we need to keep in mind that its situation was unusual. Where abortions are illegal, most take place in unsafe and unsanitary conditions. In countries with tight restrictions, three-quarters of abortions are estimated to be unsafe, compared to far less than 10% in North America and North and Western Europe.12 How does this affect the healt

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[{"type": "image", "image_index": 0, "filename": "romania-maternal-mortality-abortions.png", "alt": "Maternal mortality rates in Romania climbed following tight restrictions on abortion\n\nLine chart of estimated maternal mortality (deaths per 100,000 live births) from 1965 to 2010, with two labeled series: \"Total maternal mortality\" and \"Maternal mortality from abortions.\" A vertical marker near the late 1960s indicates \"Abortion restricted\" and another at 1990 marks \"Abortion relegalized.\" Both series rise after restrictions, with abortion-related deaths forming the bulk of total by the 1980s (annotation: more than 80 percent of maternal deaths were caused by unsafe abortions). Both series peak in the late 1980s — total roughly 160 to 170 per 100,000 and abortion-related roughly 140 to 150 — then drop sharply immediately after relegalization and continue declining through the 1990s and 2000s to low levels around 20 to 30 per 100,000 by 2010. Note: maternal deaths include deaths during pregnancy (including abortion), childbirth, and in the 42 days afterward."}, {"type": "text", "value": "In the two decades from 1965 to 1985, maternal mortality fell sharply across Europe. Rates in my own country, the United Kingdom, fell by more than two-thirds."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Romania was the exception. Its rates increased by almost 150%."}, {"type": "text", "value": "By the late 1980s, Romanian women were dying at rates several times higher than in other Eastern European countries, and ten times higher than those in Western Europe, as the chart below shows."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Why were Romanian women dying at much higher rates than in neighboring countries? To understand this, we need to go back three decades."}, {"type": "text", "value": "In 1957, Romania legalized abortion. Surgical procedures became readily available, affordable, and relatively safe.1 At the same time, there was very little access to contraception, which made unintended pregnancies extremely common. As a result, many women relied on abortion to control their fertility. By the mid-1960s, more than a million abortions were performed each year, four times the number of babies born.2"}, {"type": "text", "value": "You can see the impact of this in the next chart. In the decade from 1957 to the late 1960s, births fell by around 40%.3"}, {"type": "text", "value": "But things changed when Nicolae Ceaușescu became president in 1965. Worried about declining births in Romania, Ceaușescu implemented “Decree 770”, which put tight restrictions on abortions and contraception. Abortion was banned except for women who were over 45 years old, had at least four children (later raised to five), faced life-threatening complications, or had been victims of rape.4"}, {"type": "text", "value": "The impact of these restrictions was dramatic. Births nearly doubled from 1966 to 1967. Fertility rates increased from less than 2 births per woman to more than 3.5, as you can see in the chart below."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Eventually, they fell again as couples found other ways to manage births, but it took many decades for them to drop back to pre-ban levels."}, {"type": "text", "value": "So Ceaușescu’s plan to boost population growth worked. But making abortion illegal for most women meant that many turned to more dangerous alternatives."}, {"type": "text", "value": "We know abortions continued because women and those who performed them were imprisoned or heavily fined when caught. Records suggest that many of these people were not medically trained.5"}, {"type": "text", "value": "These procedures often relied on non-sterile metal instruments, improvised tools, or toxic substances to induce a miscarriage. As a result, many women suffered from severe internal bleeding, perforation of the uterus, or life-threatening conditions caused by infections. Because these procedures were illegal, women often delayed seeking medical help when complications arose, turning treat

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[{"type": "image", "filename": "romania-maternal-mortality-abortions.png", "alt": "Maternal mortality rates in Romania climbed following tight restrictions on abortion\n\nLine chart of estimated maternal mortality (deaths per 100,000 live births) from 1965 to 2010, with two labeled series: \"Total maternal mortality\" and \"Maternal mortality from abortions.\" A vertical marker near the late 1960s indicates \"Abortion restricted\" and another at 1990 marks \"Abortion relegalized.\" Both series rise after restrictions, with abortion-related deaths forming the bulk of total by the 1980s (annotation: more than 80 percent of maternal deaths were caused by unsafe abortions). Both series peak in the late 1980s — total roughly 160 to 170 per 100,000 and abortion-related roughly 140 to 150 — then drop sharply immediately after relegalization and continue declining through the 1990s and 2000s to low levels around 20 to 30 per 100,000 by 2010. Note: maternal deaths include deaths during pregnancy (including abortion), childbirth, and in the 42 days afterward.", "size": "wide", "url": "https://ourworldindata.org/cdn-cgi/imagedelivery/qLq-8BTgXU8yG0N6HnOy8g/8795417f-c5e9-44bb-e7d4-38e44abdb300/w=2550", "img_kind": "cdn", "source": "cdn_fetch"}]

2

why-cheap-waste-management-is-key-to-stopping-plastic-pollution

Why cheap waste management is key to stopping plastic pollution

Improving waste management in low- and middle-income countries could cut global pollution by 98%.

Improving waste management in low- and middle-income countries could cut global pollution by 98%.

https://ourworldindata.org/why-cheap-waste-management-is-key-to-stopping-plastic-pollution

CC-BY-4.0

["Hannah Ritchie", "Veronika Samborska"]

Of every 5 kilograms of plastic waste produced globally, 1 kilogram ends up polluting the environment. This has serious consequences for people and other animals alike. It pollutes waterways, harms wildlife, and burning plastic generates toxic air that millions breathe. But this terrible pollution is not inevitable. In countries with good waste management systems, far less plastic pollutes the environment. Across high-income countries, plastic pollution per person is 100 times lower than in lower-income countries. If every country managed its waste in this way, the world would cut plastic pollution by more than 98%.1 Why is this gap so large? In the chart below, you see two key metrics: how much plastic waste is generated and how much plastic pollution is produced per person. These estimates are taken from research by Joshua Cottom and colleagues.2 Clearly, people in high-income countries don’t produce 100 times less pollution than those in lower-income countries because they use less plastic. Per person, they use much more. The huge difference in pollution rates is a consequence of how waste is managed. In high-income countries, most waste is collected and sent to controlled landfills or to facilities that incinerate or recycle it. In many low- and middle-income countries, people find themselves in a very different situation: less than half of solid household waste is collected. People often have little choice but to burn or dump it. But even the waste that is collected is often left in open dumps, where it’s at risk of leaking into the environment. Most pollution, then, comes from uncollected waste and poorly managed disposal sites. You can see this in the chart.3 What, then, is causing plastic pollution in rich countries? Roughly half comes from littering: people thoughtlessly chucking their plastic bottles, wrappers, and bags. If we built a world where people don’t do this, we could increase that 98% reduction to 99%. What does this mean for our options to tackle plastic pollution? Cutting plastic use in rich countries has very little impact on global plastic pollution: the world’s high-income countries generate less than 0.5% of the total. Reducing use in low- and middle-income countries could certainly help. But even large reductions wouldn’t get close to eliminating pollution. If one in every five kilograms of plastic waste in these countries ends up as pollution, even halving plastic waste would still leave tens of millions of tonnes leaking into the environment each year.4 Since capital is usually the constraint, focusing on basic infrastructure — collection and controlled landfills — beats expensive options like incinerators and recycling plants.7 We already have the knowledge and tools to reduce global plastic pollution to just 2% of its current levels. With the right focus and investment, most of it is preventable.

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[{"type": "image", "image_index": 0, "filename": "plastic-waste-vs-pollution.png", "alt": "High-income countries generate more plastic waste, but less plastic pollution\n\nA two-part horizontal bar chart titled \"Plastic waste per person\" on the left and \"Plastic pollution per person\" on the right, comparing four income groups: High-income countries, Upper-middle income, Lower-middle income, and Low income.\n\nValues shown:\n- High-income countries: 63 kg plastic waste per person; 0.1 kg plastic pollution per person.\n- Upper-middle income: 35 kg waste per person; 5 kg pollution per person.\n- Lower-middle income: 24 kg waste per person; 10 kg pollution per person.\n- Low income: 16 kg waste per person; 10 kg pollution per person.\n\nA short caption defines plastic pollution as plastic that is openly burned or leaked into the environment as solid debris and notes that richer countries tend to generate less pollution because they have more effective waste management systems.\n\nFooter text: Note: Modelled estimates for the year 2020 based on plastic use, waste generation, and methods of waste management across countries. Data source: Cottom et al. (2024). A local-to-global emissions inventory of macroplastic pollution. OurWorldInData.org — Research and data to make progress against the world’s largest problems."}, {"type": "image", "image_index": 1, "filename": "plastic-pollution-by-source-income.png", "alt": "Most plastic pollution comes from uncollected waste and poorly managed disposal sites\n\nHorizontal stacked bar chart of estimated kilograms of plastic released to the environment per person by source, shown for four income groups. Key figures and dominant sources:\n- Low-income: 10.2 kg per person, mostly from uncollected waste with smaller contributions from poorly managed disposal sites and other sources.\n- Lower-middle income: 9.6 kg per person, large contributions from both uncollected waste and disposal sites, small other sources.\n- Upper-middle income: 5 kg per person, dominated by uncollected waste and disposal sites, small other sources.\n- High-income: 0.12 kg per person, very low total; effective waste management means littering is the largest source.\n\nOther noted sources include littering, transport of waste, and rejects. Data source: Cottom et al. (2024) with modelled estimates for 2020. CC BY"}, {"type": "text", "value": "Of every 5 kilograms of plastic waste produced globally, 1 kilogram ends up polluting the environment."}, {"type": "text", "value": "This has serious consequences for people and other animals alike. It pollutes waterways, harms wildlife, and burning plastic generates toxic air that millions breathe."}, {"type": "text", "value": "But this terrible pollution is not inevitable."}, {"type": "text", "value": "In countries with good waste management systems, far less plastic pollutes the environment. Across high-income countries, plastic pollution per person is 100 times lower than in lower-income countries."}, {"type": "text", "value": "If every country managed its waste in this way, the world would cut plastic pollution by more than 98%.1"}, {"type": "text", "value": "Why is this gap so large?"}, {"type": "text", "value": "In the chart below, you see two key metrics: how much plastic waste is generated and how much plastic pollution is produced per person. These estimates are taken from research by Joshua Cottom and colleagues.2"}, {"type": "text", "value": "Clearly, people in high-income countries don’t produce 100 times less pollution than those in lower-income countries because they use less plastic. Per person, they use much more."}, {"type": "text", "value": "The huge difference in pollution rates is a consequence of how waste is managed. In high-income countries, most waste is collected and sent to controlled landfills or to facilities that incinerate or recycle it."}, {"type": "text", "value": "In many low- and middle-income countries, people find themselves in a very different si

[
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[{"type": "image", "filename": "plastic-waste-vs-pollution.png", "alt": "High-income countries generate more plastic waste, but less plastic pollution\n\nA two-part horizontal bar chart titled \"Plastic waste per person\" on the left and \"Plastic pollution per person\" on the right, comparing four income groups: High-income countries, Upper-middle income, Lower-middle income, and Low income.\n\nValues shown:\n- High-income countries: 63 kg plastic waste per person; 0.1 kg plastic pollution per person.\n- Upper-middle income: 35 kg waste per person; 5 kg pollution per person.\n- Lower-middle income: 24 kg waste per person; 10 kg pollution per person.\n- Low income: 16 kg waste per person; 10 kg pollution per person.\n\nA short caption defines plastic pollution as plastic that is openly burned or leaked into the environment as solid debris and notes that richer countries tend to generate less pollution because they have more effective waste management systems.\n\nFooter text: Note: Modelled estimates for the year 2020 based on plastic use, waste generation, and methods of waste management across countries. Data source: Cottom et al. (2024). A local-to-global emissions inventory of macroplastic pollution. OurWorldInData.org — Research and data to make progress against the world’s largest problems.", "size": "wide", "url": "https://ourworldindata.org/cdn-cgi/imagedelivery/qLq-8BTgXU8yG0N6HnOy8g/f96026d3-4f22-4be1-cf24-5cdf1e9cab00/w=2550", "img_kind": "cdn", "source": "cdn_fetch"}, {"type": "image", "filename": "plastic-pollution-by-source-income.png", "alt": "Most plastic pollution comes from uncollected waste and poorly managed disposal sites\n\nHorizontal stacked bar chart of estimated kilograms of plastic released to the environment per person by source, shown for four income groups. Key figures and dominant sources:\n- Low-income: 10.2 kg per person, mostly from uncollected waste with smaller contributions from poorly managed disposal sites and other sources.\n- Lower-middle income: 9.6 kg per person, large contributions from both uncollected waste and disposal sites, small other sources.\n- Upper-middle income: 5 kg per person, dominated by uncollected waste and disposal sites, small other sources.\n- High-income: 0.12 kg per person, very low total; effective waste management means littering is the largest source.\n\nOther noted sources include littering, transport of waste, and rejects. Data source: Cottom et al. (2024) with modelled estimates for 2020. CC BY", "size": "narrow", "url": "https://ourworldindata.org/cdn-cgi/imagedelivery/qLq-8BTgXU8yG0N6HnOy8g/9627c84a-a947-462a-b112-ac9184bfa300/w=1620", "img_kind": "cdn", "source": "cdn_fetch"}]

3

battery-price-decline

Battery costs have declined by 99% in the last three decades, making electrified transport a reality

Batteries have become much cheaper, making energy storage far more affordable.

First published in 2024; updated and rewritten in March 2026.

Batteries have become much cheaper, making energy storage far more affordable.

https://ourworldindata.org/battery-price-decline

CC-BY-4.0

["Hannah Ritchie", "Pablo Rosado"]

Over 20 million electric cars were sold globally in 2025. Most of these cars sold for around $40,000, but some are now as cheap as $10,000.1 Even just two decades ago, these prices and sales figures would have been impossible. That’s because the batteries were far too expensive. The chart below shows the decline in lithium-ion battery cell prices since 1991. Note that this is shown on a logarithmic scale. The price declined by more than 99%. In 1991, lithium-ion batteries cost around $9,200 per kilowatt-hour — 33 years later, they cost just $78. Let’s put that in perspective. The battery cells you’d find in a standard electric car today, which give around 220 to 250 miles (350 to 400 kilometers) of range, cost around $5,000.2 Just a decade ago, this would have cost over $20,000, as much as many would pay for the entire car itself. And back in 1991, almost $600,000.3 What’s promising is that the drop in prices continues: they’ve fallen by a third in just the last few years. ## Why have prices fallen? How did batteries get so much cheaper? For technologies like batteries, prices fall with production. That's because they follow a learning curve: as cumulative production grows, innovators and engineers find incremental improvements in chemistry, manufacturing, and supply chains, driving a continuous fall in prices. Batteries did not become cheaper because of one big breakthrough, but thanks to thousands of small ones. In the chart below, we’ve plotted the price of lithium-ion batteries against their cumulative production globally. Both axes are logarithmic. Back in 1991, the market was tiny: just 130 kilowatt-hours had been produced worldwide. Just enough to power two of today's electric cars. Since then, production has grown dramatically, and as more batteries were produced, prices fell (which in turn created more demand and further increased production). By the end of 2023, global cumulative production had increased by a factor of 27 million from 1991 levels. In the early 1990s, the price decline was much slower than you see for the rest of the curve. This was for several reasons. The market at the time was incredibly immature and relied on expensive and niche supply chains. The electronics company Sony largely held a monopoly over early technology, reducing market competition and making cost reductions a lower priority than improvements in scaling, safety, and battery lifespan. But price was not the only barrier. Falling costs were needed to make electric vehicles affordable, and better energy density was needed to make them practical. This energy density — how much electrical energy a battery can store for its volume — has more than tripled since the 1990s.4 That cheaper storage is now arriving. Three decades ago, lithium-ion batteries were a niche technology for mobile phones and early laptops. Today, they power tens of millions of cars and store electricity in homes and on power grids worldwide. The half-a-million-dollar battery was never going to transform transport. The $5,000 battery is.

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[{"type": "text", "value": "Over 20 million electric cars were sold globally in 2025. Most of these cars sold for around $40,000, but some are now as cheap as $10,000.1"}, {"type": "text", "value": "Even just two decades ago, these prices and sales figures would have been impossible. That’s because the batteries were far too expensive."}, {"type": "text", "value": "The chart below shows the decline in lithium-ion battery cell prices since 1991. Note that this is shown on a logarithmic scale."}, {"type": "text", "value": "The price declined by more than 99%. In 1991, lithium-ion batteries cost around $9,200 per kilowatt-hour — 33 years later, they cost just $78."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Let’s put that in perspective. The battery cells you’d find in a standard electric car today, which give around 220 to 250 miles (350 to 400 kilometers) of range, cost around $5,000.2"}, {"type": "text", "value": "Just a decade ago, this would have cost over $20,000, as much as many would pay for the entire car itself. And back in 1991, almost $600,000.3"}, {"type": "text", "value": "What’s promising is that the drop in prices continues: they’ve fallen by a third in just the last few years."}, {"type": "text", "value": "## Why have prices fallen?"}, {"type": "image", "image_index": 0, "filename": "battery-price-vs-production.png", "alt": "Line chart of lithium-ion battery price per kilowatt-hour plotted against cumulative global production (axes logarithmic), where prices fall steeply as production grows and are shown to decline by about 19% for every doubling of cumulative capacity."}, {"type": "text", "value": "How did batteries get so much cheaper?"}, {"type": "text", "value": "For technologies like batteries, prices fall with production. That's because they follow a learning curve: as cumulative production grows, innovators and engineers find incremental improvements in chemistry, manufacturing, and supply chains, driving a continuous fall in prices. Batteries did not become cheaper because of one big breakthrough, but thanks to thousands of small ones."}, {"type": "text", "value": "In the chart below, we’ve plotted the price of lithium-ion batteries against their cumulative production globally. Both axes are logarithmic."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Back in 1991, the market was tiny: just 130 kilowatt-hours had been produced worldwide. Just enough to power two of today's electric cars. Since then, production has grown dramatically, and as more batteries were produced, prices fell (which in turn created more demand and further increased production). By the end of 2023, global cumulative production had increased by a factor of 27 million from 1991 levels."}, {"type": "text", "value": "In the early 1990s, the price decline was much slower than you see for the rest of the curve. This was for several reasons. The market at the time was incredibly immature and relied on expensive and niche supply chains. The electronics company Sony largely held a monopoly over early technology, reducing market competition and making cost reductions a lower priority than improvements in scaling, safety, and battery lifespan."}, {"type": "text", "value": "But price was not the only barrier. Falling costs were needed to make electric vehicles affordable, and better energy density was needed to make them practical. This energy density — how much electrical energy a battery can store for its volume — has more than tripled since the 1990s.4"}, {"type": "text", "value": "That cheaper storage is now arriving. Three decades ago, lithium-ion batteries were a niche technology for mobile phones and early laptops. Today, they power tens of millions of cars and store electricity in homes and on power grids worldwide."}, {"type": "text", "value": "The half-a-million-dollar battery was never going to transform transport. The $5,000 battery is."}]

[
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4

what-do-people-die-from-in-different-countries

What do people die from in different countries?

An interactive tool to explore causes of death by age, gender, and time, across the world.

Explore causes of death data for all countries, spanning more than four decades.

https://ourworldindata.org/what-do-people-die-from-in-different-countries

CC-BY-4.0

["Hannah Ritchie", "Sophia Mersmann", "Fiona Spooner"]

On any average day, 165,000 people die globally. That’s 60 million a year. What do they die from? To answer this, my colleagues Sophia Mersmann and Fiona Spooner built an interactive visualization of causes of death across the world.1 In this article, I'll give a few snapshots of how this compares across countries at different income levels. But the real power is in exploring the tool for yourself — you can do that for your own country at the end of this page. Below, you can see the causes of death for the world as a whole. The total size of the visualization represents the entire 60 million global deaths, and the size of each rectangle — each one a different cause of death — is proportional to its share of the total. (This is called a treemap.) Three-quarters of global deaths were caused by non-communicable diseases (NCDs), which are shown in blue. Heart disease alone accounts for one in three deaths. Cancers are almost one in five. In red, you see that 14% died from infectious diseases, led by respiratory infections like pneumonia, the flu, and COVID-19. But malaria, diarrheal diseases, tuberculosis, and HIV still claim millions of lives, despite the fact that the world already knows how to prevent and treat them. In green, you see that 7% died from injuries: road accidents, drowning, falls, suicide, and violence. And in purple, you see that almost 4% of deaths were among babies and mothers — a tragedy that we'll return to. This is what this treemap is useful for: putting things into perspective. In the bottom-right corner, you can see that 2.7% of all deaths are among newborn babies. That’s around four times higher than all homicides, which are shown just above it in the green box. ## How do causes of death differ between poorer and richer countries? The leading causes of death look very different across the world. The following chart shows the estimates for low-income countries. As you can see, non-communicable diseases account for 43% of deaths; that’s a much smaller share than in the world as a whole (75%). That’s not because death rates of these diseases are lower in poorer countries; adjusting for age, they’re actually higher than they are in rich countries. The difference is that death rates from infections, injuries, and child and maternal mortality are far higher. One in three die from infectious diseases such as HIV/AIDS, malaria, meningitis, and tuberculosis. Maybe the hardest number in this dataset to sit with is that one in ten deaths is a newborn or a mother leaving children behind. On the other end of the income distribution, we see a very different picture. Infectious diseases and neonatal and maternal deaths shrink, while non-communicable diseases are very dominant. They cause almost 90% of deaths, with heart diseases and cancers alone responsible for almost 60%. ## Explore what people die from in your own country The treemap below is the full, interactive version of this visualization. My colleagues Sophia and Fiona spent several months building it using data from the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation’s Global Burden of Disease. It covers every country in the world and spans more than four decades of data. You can select your own, or any other country, switch between years to see how things have changed over time, and look at a specific age group or sex. The picture can be very different depending on where and when you look.

581

20

0

3397

[{"type": "text", "value": "On any average day, 165,000 people die globally. That’s 60 million a year. What do they die from?"}, {"type": "text", "value": "To answer this, my colleagues Sophia Mersmann and Fiona Spooner built an interactive visualization of causes of death across the world.1 In this article, I'll give a few snapshots of how this compares across countries at different income levels."}, {"type": "text", "value": "But the real power is in exploring the tool for yourself — you can do that for your own country at the end of this page."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Below, you can see the causes of death for the world as a whole. The total size of the visualization represents the entire 60 million global deaths, and the size of each rectangle — each one a different cause of death — is proportional to its share of the total. (This is called a treemap.)"}, {"type": "text", "value": "Three-quarters of global deaths were caused by non-communicable diseases (NCDs), which are shown in blue. Heart disease alone accounts for one in three deaths. Cancers are almost one in five."}, {"type": "text", "value": "In red, you see that 14% died from infectious diseases, led by respiratory infections like pneumonia, the flu, and COVID-19. But malaria, diarrheal diseases, tuberculosis, and HIV still claim millions of lives, despite the fact that the world already knows how to prevent and treat them."}, {"type": "text", "value": "In green, you see that 7% died from injuries: road accidents, drowning, falls, suicide, and violence. And in purple, you see that almost 4% of deaths were among babies and mothers — a tragedy that we'll return to."}, {"type": "text", "value": "This is what this treemap is useful for: putting things into perspective. In the bottom-right corner, you can see that 2.7% of all deaths are among newborn babies. That’s around four times higher than all homicides, which are shown just above it in the green box."}, {"type": "text", "value": "## How do causes of death differ between poorer and richer countries?"}, {"type": "text", "value": "The leading causes of death look very different across the world."}, {"type": "text", "value": "The following chart shows the estimates for low-income countries."}, {"type": "text", "value": "As you can see, non-communicable diseases account for 43% of deaths; that’s a much smaller share than in the world as a whole (75%). That’s not because death rates of these diseases are lower in poorer countries; adjusting for age, they’re actually higher than they are in rich countries."}, {"type": "text", "value": "The difference is that death rates from infections, injuries, and child and maternal mortality are far higher. One in three die from infectious diseases such as HIV/AIDS, malaria, meningitis, and tuberculosis."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Maybe the hardest number in this dataset to sit with is that one in ten deaths is a newborn or a mother leaving children behind."}, {"type": "text", "value": "On the other end of the income distribution, we see a very different picture."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Infectious diseases and neonatal and maternal deaths shrink, while non-communicable diseases are very dominant. They cause almost 90% of deaths, with heart diseases and cancers alone responsible for almost 60%."}, {"type": "text", "value": "## Explore what people die from in your own country"}, {"type": "text", "value": "The treemap below is the full, interactive version of this visualization. My colleagues Sophia and Fiona spent several months building it using data from the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation’s Global Burden of Disease."}, {"type": "text", "value": "It covers every country in the world and spans more than four decades of data."}, {"type": "text", "value": "You can select your own, or any other country, switch between years to see how things have changed over time, and look at a specific age group or sex. The picture can be very different depending on where and 

[]

[]

5

deadliest-animals

What are the world’s deadliest animals, and can we protect ourselves against them?

Deaths from other animals are mostly caused by just two types: mosquitoes and snakes.

Deaths from other animals are mostly caused by just two types: mosquitoes and snakes.

https://ourworldindata.org/deadliest-animals

CC-BY-4.0

["Hannah Ritchie", "Fiona Spooner"]

One and a half million people are killed by animals every year. Almost one million by other animals, and more than half a million from direct conflict among ourselves. Almost all of these deaths from other animals are caused by just two types: mosquitoes and snakes. In the chart below, we’ve brought together estimates of the number of people killed by different animals. These numbers are estimates, and some come with significant uncertainty. That’s why we’ve published a detailed methodology explaining our sources and how they compare. Despite this uncertainty, we feel confident about the relative orders of magnitude across different animals.1 The biggest killers, by far, are mosquitoes. They have been one of our biggest threats for millennia, and still kill approximately 760,000 people every year.2 Over 80% of those deaths are the result of malaria, which is transmitted and spread by the Anopheles mosquito. Malaria still kills close to half a million children every year. Another 100,000 people die every year from other mosquito-borne diseases, including dengue fever and yellow fever (spread by the mosquito species Aedes aegypti) and Japanese encephalitis. Near the bottom of the list, we reach the animals that dominate our nightmares — sharks and wolves. They make for gripping headlines and blockbuster films. But in reality, shark and wolf attacks are very rare. Of course, they don’t kill fewer people because they’re less dangerous. We’d rather be locked in a room with a mosquito than a lion. The real difference is exposure: it’s much easier to avoid large predators than it is to avoid disease-carrying insects and parasites.5 The good news is that most deaths from animals — especially the largest killers — are preventable. We have bednets and insecticide sprays to reduce exposure to mosquitoes, and medication to treat malaria if someone does become infected. New techniques, such as the Wolbachia method, have been developed to stop the spread of dengue fever. Antivenoms can often save someone from a potentially fatal snakebite.6 The problem is that not everyone has access to these preventive and treatment methods when they need them.7 If these small killers received the same global attention as large predators, more effort might go into stopping them. That is one reason why these comparisons are useful: as a reminder of what people are actually dying from, and where the most lives could be saved. In many regions, deaths from mosquitoes have decreased dramatically. Malaria was once prevalent in countries that are now free of it. If we could achieve this in all parts of the world, the number of deaths caused by other animals would be almost six times smaller.8 If we were to also eliminate deaths from snakes through the use of antivenoms and better diagnostics, the death toll would be again reduced by almost two-thirds.9

466

13

1

2856

[{"type": "image", "image_index": 0, "filename": "most-deadly-animal.png", "alt": "Treemap and bar chart of estimated numbers of humans killed by different animals in 2023 where mosquitoes cause the most deaths at about 760,000, humans themselves are second at about 600,000, and snakes (about 100,000), dogs (about 40,000) and various parasitic worms and insects account for smaller but notable totals down to single-digit deaths for animals like sharks and wolves. Data sources listed in the footer: Institute for Health Metrics; World Health Organization; CrocAttack; IUCN; ISAF; and others."}, {"type": "text", "value": "One and a half million people are killed by animals every year. Almost one million by other animals, and more than half a million from direct conflict among ourselves."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Almost all of these deaths from other animals are caused by just two types: mosquitoes and snakes."}, {"type": "text", "value": "In the chart below, we’ve brought together estimates of the number of people killed by different animals."}, {"type": "text", "value": "These numbers are estimates, and some come with significant uncertainty. That’s why we’ve published a detailed methodology explaining our sources and how they compare. Despite this uncertainty, we feel confident about the relative orders of magnitude across different animals.1"}, {"type": "text", "value": "The biggest killers, by far, are mosquitoes. They have been one of our biggest threats for millennia, and still kill approximately 760,000 people every year.2 Over 80% of those deaths are the result of malaria, which is transmitted and spread by the Anopheles mosquito. Malaria still kills close to half a million children every year."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Another 100,000 people die every year from other mosquito-borne diseases, including dengue fever and yellow fever (spread by the mosquito species Aedes aegypti) and Japanese encephalitis."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Near the bottom of the list, we reach the animals that dominate our nightmares — sharks and wolves. They make for gripping headlines and blockbuster films. But in reality, shark and wolf attacks are very rare."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Of course, they don’t kill fewer people because they’re less dangerous. We’d rather be locked in a room with a mosquito than a lion. The real difference is exposure: it’s much easier to avoid large predators than it is to avoid disease-carrying insects and parasites.5"}, {"type": "text", "value": "The good news is that most deaths from animals — especially the largest killers — are preventable. We have bednets and insecticide sprays to reduce exposure to mosquitoes, and medication to treat malaria if someone does become infected. New techniques, such as the Wolbachia method, have been developed to stop the spread of dengue fever. Antivenoms can often save someone from a potentially fatal snakebite.6"}, {"type": "text", "value": "The problem is that not everyone has access to these preventive and treatment methods when they need them.7 If these small killers received the same global attention as large predators, more effort might go into stopping them. That is one reason why these comparisons are useful: as a reminder of what people are actually dying from, and where the most lives could be saved."}, {"type": "text", "value": "In many regions, deaths from mosquitoes have decreased dramatically. Malaria was once prevalent in countries that are now free of it. If we could achieve this in all parts of the world, the number of deaths caused by other animals would be almost six times smaller.8"}, {"type": "text", "value": "If we were to also eliminate deaths from snakes through the use of antivenoms and better diagnostics, the death toll would be again reduced by almost two-thirds.9"}]

[
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[{"type": "image", "filename": "most-deadly-animal.png", "alt": "Treemap and bar chart of estimated numbers of humans killed by different animals in 2023 where mosquitoes cause the most deaths at about 760,000, humans themselves are second at about 600,000, and snakes (about 100,000), dogs (about 40,000) and various parasitic worms and insects account for smaller but notable totals down to single-digit deaths for animals like sharks and wolves. Data sources listed in the footer: Institute for Health Metrics; World Health Organization; CrocAttack; IUCN; ISAF; and others.", "size": "wide", "url": "https://ourworldindata.org/cdn-cgi/imagedelivery/qLq-8BTgXU8yG0N6HnOy8g/92a6f192-4256-4264-a668-d924a034fe00/w=3093", "img_kind": "cdn", "source": "cdn_fetch"}]

6

work-employment

Work and Employment

See all our data, visualizations, and writing on work and employment.

https://ourworldindata.org/work-employment

CC-BY-4.0

["Bertha Rohenkohl", "Pablo Arriagada", "Esteban Ortiz-Ospina"]

Work is at the center of most people’s lives. For billions of adults around the world, it is the main way to earn a living, support their families, and contribute to society. What share of the population in different countries is part of the labor force? How is employment split between people who work for an employer and those who run their own business or work independently? And how many people want a job but can’t find one? On this page, we look at these different aspects of work. We explain the key concepts and present data showing how labor market participation, unemployment, and employment are measured, and how the trends differ across countries. We focus on paid work among people of working age. Other important aspects, such as unpaid care work, child labor, and long-run trends in working hours, are covered separately. ## Understanding labor force statistics: participation, unemployment, and employment Employment and unemployment figures come up regularly in public discussions, and the terms themselves will be familiar to most of us. But in labor force statistics, these terms have specific meanings, and the exact definitions matter for understanding what the numbers show. Without a clear grasp of the definitions and who is counted where, it is easy to misread the data — for example, by taking a rise or fall in unemployment to only reflect changes in how many people have jobs, when it can also reflect changes in how many people are counted as looking for work in the first place. In this section, we walk through this and other common sources of confusion, laying out the key definitions and showing how they shape the interpretation of employment trends. ### The labor force: who is included and who is not The labor force includes those of working age who are “economically active”, either because they are working or because they are actively looking for work. The diagram here illustrates this classification. The labor force, shown in purple, includes people of working age who are employed (dark blue) and those who do not have a job but are actively seeking one (light blue).1 The labor force excludes people who are not of working age (dark red), as well as people of working age who are neither employed nor actively seeking work (orange). The orange group “outside the labor force” includes students, retirees, unpaid caregivers, as well as those who are not actively seeking work, perhaps due to long-term illness or other reasons. #### How is “working age” defined? There is no single definition of “working age”. The age range used in labor statistics varies by country and by data source. The most common lower age limit is 15, but some sources start at 14, 16, or 18, often reflecting national laws on minimum working ages and how labor force surveys are designed. Some sources also set an upper age limit, commonly around 64, reflecting statutory retirement ages or pension eligibility rules; but since these vary (and can change over time), the exact cutoff is not the same across countries or even within a country over time. For international comparisons, the most widely used cross-country series are produced by the International Labour Organization (ILO). In its harmonized series, the working-age population is typically defined as everyone aged 15 and older, with no upper age limit, and most of our charts on this page follow this definition.2 ### How labor force surveys measure who is working and who is not In most countries, headline labor statistics are produced using dedicated labor force surveys (LFS). In these surveys, national statistical offices ask people of working age about their work situation: more specifically, what they have been doing for work recently and, if they don’t work, whether they were looking for a job.3 Where dedicated labor force surveys don’t exist, countries sometimes use other household surveys or population censuses that ask related questions about work.4 Labor force surveys focus on people’s recent wor

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[{"type": "text", "value": "Work is at the center of most people’s lives. For billions of adults around the world, it is the main way to earn a living, support their families, and contribute to society."}, {"type": "text", "value": "What share of the population in different countries is part of the labor force? How is employment split between people who work for an employer and those who run their own business or work independently? And how many people want a job but can’t find one?"}, {"type": "text", "value": "On this page, we look at these different aspects of work. We explain the key concepts and present data showing how labor market participation, unemployment, and employment are measured, and how the trends differ across countries."}, {"type": "text", "value": "We focus on paid work among people of working age. Other important aspects, such as unpaid care work, child labor, and long-run trends in working hours, are covered separately."}, {"type": "text", "value": "## Understanding labor force statistics: participation, unemployment, and employment"}, {"type": "text", "value": "Employment and unemployment figures come up regularly in public discussions, and the terms themselves will be familiar to most of us. But in labor force statistics, these terms have specific meanings, and the exact definitions matter for understanding what the numbers show."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Without a clear grasp of the definitions and who is counted where, it is easy to misread the data — for example, by taking a rise or fall in unemployment to only reflect changes in how many people have jobs, when it can also reflect changes in how many people are counted as looking for work in the first place."}, {"type": "text", "value": "In this section, we walk through this and other common sources of confusion, laying out the key definitions and showing how they shape the interpretation of employment trends."}, {"type": "text", "value": "### The labor force: who is included and who is not"}, {"type": "image", "image_index": 0, "filename": "labor-force-diagram.png", "alt": "How is the labor force defined?\n\nDiagram of a population divided into three main groups: population below working age (usually children under age 15), the working-age population, and the outside the labor force group. The working-age population is split into the labor force and those outside the labor force. The labor force is further divided into employed — people with a job for pay or profit — and unemployed — people without a job but actively looking for one and available to start. Outside the labor force are people not working and not looking for work, for example students, retired people, and unpaid caregivers. Note: Definitions of working age vary across countries and the ILO counts people aged 15 years and older with no upper limit. Box sizes are illustrative and not to scale. Licensed under CC-BY."}, {"type": "text", "value": "The labor force includes those of working age who are “economically active”, either because they are working or because they are actively looking for work."}, {"type": "text", "value": "The diagram here illustrates this classification. The labor force, shown in purple, includes people of working age who are employed (dark blue) and those who do not have a job but are actively seeking one (light blue).1"}, {"type": "text", "value": "The labor force excludes people who are not of working age (dark red), as well as people of working age who are neither employed nor actively seeking work (orange). The orange group “outside the labor force” includes students, retirees, unpaid caregivers, as well as those who are not actively seeking work, perhaps due to long-term illness or other reasons."}, {"type": "text", "value": "#### How is “working age” defined?"}, {"type": "text", "value": "There is no single definition of “working age”. The age range used in labor statistics varies by country and by data source."}, {"type": "text", "value": "The most common

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[{"type": "image", "filename": "labor-force-diagram.png", "alt": "How is the labor force defined?\n\nDiagram of a population divided into three main groups: population below working age (usually children under age 15), the working-age population, and the outside the labor force group. The working-age population is split into the labor force and those outside the labor force. The labor force is further divided into employed — people with a job for pay or profit — and unemployed — people without a job but actively looking for one and available to start. Outside the labor force are people not working and not looking for work, for example students, retired people, and unpaid caregivers. Note: Definitions of working age vary across countries and the ILO counts people aged 15 years and older with no upper limit. Box sizes are illustrative and not to scale. Licensed under CC-BY.", "size": "wide", "url": "https://ourworldindata.org/cdn-cgi/imagedelivery/qLq-8BTgXU8yG0N6HnOy8g/0ac51844-eff0-4808-ba97-9eb74fed6b00/w=3392", "img_kind": "cdn", "source": "cdn_fetch"}, {"type": "image", "filename": "labor-force-diagram-lfp.png", "alt": "How is the labor force participation rate (LFP) defined?\n\nDiagram showing the formula and categories used to calculate the labor force participation rate: LFP equals Employed plus Unemployed divided by Working-age population. That is also equal to the Labor Force divided by Working-age population. A bracket labeled Working-age population contains two parts: the Labor force and Outside the labor force. The Labor force splits into Employed — described as “with a job for pay or profit” — and Unemployed — described as “without a job, actively looking for one and available to start.” Outside the labor force is described as “not working and not looking for work.” Licensed under CC-BY.", "size": "wide", "url": "https://ourworldindata.org/cdn-cgi/imagedelivery/qLq-8BTgXU8yG0N6HnOy8g/7640baaa-01bd-4383-4bd3-cb32d773d300/w=3392", "img_kind": "cdn", "source": "cdn_fetch"}, {"type": "image", "url": "https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/labor-participation-rate", "grapher_slug": "labor-participation-rate", "size": "wide", "alt": "", "gdoc_kind": "chart", "source": "grapher_cache"}, {"type": "image", "filename": "labor-force-diagram-ur.png", "alt": "How is the unemployment rate defined?\n\nFormula: UR equals Unemployed divided by Labor force.\n\nDiagram shows a labeled Labor force rectangle split into two parts: Employed — \"With a job for pay or profit\"; and Unemployed — \"Without a job, actively looking for one and available to start.\" Licensed under CC-BY.", "size": "wide", "url": "https://ourworldindata.org/cdn-cgi/imagedelivery/qLq-8BTgXU8yG0N6HnOy8g/442bcb02-b392-4080-34a5-f14344fd1600/w=3392", "img_kind": "cdn", "source": "cdn_fetch"}, {"type": "image", "url": "https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/unemployment-rate", "grapher_slug": "unemployment-rate", "size": "wide", "alt": "", "gdoc_kind": "chart", "source": "grapher_cache"}, {"type": "image", "filename": "labor-force-diagram-employment.png", "alt": "How is the employment rate defined?\n\nFormula: ER equals Employed divided by Working-age population.\n\nDiagram labels three groups within the working-age population: Employed — with a job for pay or profit; Unemployed — without a job, actively looking for one and available to start; Outside the labor force — not working and not looking for work. Licensed under CC-BY.", "size": "wide", "url": "https://ourworldindata.org/cdn-cgi/imagedelivery/qLq-8BTgXU8yG0N6HnOy8g/08352142-25f6-4e16-f26c-ccdd7e596000/w=3392", "img_kind": "cdn", "source": "cdn_fetch"}, {"type": "image", "url": "https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/employment-to-population-ratio", "grapher_slug": "employment-to-population-ratio", "size": "wide", "alt": "", "gdoc_kind": "chart", "source": "grapher_cache"}, {"type": "image", "url": "https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/status-in-employment", "grapher_slug": "status-in-employment", "size": "wide", "alt": ""

7

slavery

Tracking historical progress against slavery and forced labor: a long-run data view

Almost all countries have ended large-scale forced labor, often surprisingly recently.

Almost all countries have ended large-scale forced labor, often surprisingly recently.

https://ourworldindata.org/slavery

CC-BY-4.0

["Bastian Herre", "Esteban Ortiz-Ospina", "Max Roser"]

For much of history, forced labor was widespread and brutal. Tens of millions of people were made to work under the threat of violence or punishment. At its most extreme, this meant slavery: people were bought, sold, and inherited like property. These abuses weren’t hidden from the state. Governments often allowed forced labor, protected slave owners by law and through force, and used forced labor themselves. Most people saw slavery and forced labor as a normal part of economic and social life. The situation today is very different. Many governments have ended their own use of forced labor, changed laws, and now prosecute those who use it. As we explain below, some forms of forced labor and human trafficking still exist — but they are much less common than in the past. Most people now see them as abhorrent, and they expect governments to protect people from them. The chart below summarizes how these massive changes unfolded across the globe. It shows for each point in time how many countries had not yet abolished “large-scale” forced labor, meaning forced labor that was common and entrenched — tolerated, enabled, or imposed by authorities, rather than isolated abuse.1 To measure this specific form of large-scale forced labor, we rely on expert assessments from the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project, based at the University of Gothenburg, in Sweden.2 Below, we explain the precise definitions in more detail, and say more about why we chose this source and how we built on it. What the chart shows has been well documented in the many excellent books by historians and social scientists. They discuss in rich and horrific detail how these oppressive systems worked, and how enslaved people and abolitionists fought to bring them down.3 What we add to this is a quantitative, bird’s-eye perspective on the global history of slavery and forced labor. In this chart, we see how common large-scale forced labor was until recently. Based on this data, just nine countries did not have large-scale forced labor at any time since the late 18th century.4 After a small number of countries reduced forced labor substantially in the early 1800s, the rest of the 19th century, and the first decades of the 20th, saw steady successes in the fight for abolition. Progress accelerated in the mid-20th century. In just a few decades, dozens of countries abolished large-scale forced labor: at the end of World War II, almost 100 countries still had such systems in place. Only one generation later, by 1975, that number had fallen to 31. In recent decades, the number of countries where forced labor is common has continued to fall, though at a slower pace. In 2024, there were nine countries with large-scale forced labor.5 And even in countries where forced labor was not common and entrenched that year, there were cases of it in every one of them. While forced labor remains a problem today, its decline is one of the biggest social and economic changes in history. It greatly reduced some of the worst abuses of human rights and gave many millions of people much more freedom to live their lives. This shows that large changes to our societies and economies are possible — even those that were once unimaginable. Much of this progress is also surprisingly recent. In many places, slavery was abolished in the 19th century, but similarly repressive systems continued under new names and legal systems. It wasn’t until the decades after World War II that decolonization dismantled the highly coercive colonial labor systems in many more countries. Summarizing changes of this scale in a single chart is challenging. Forced labor can take many different forms; legal rules and real-world practices often don’t match, and no country is completely free from forced labor. So, in the rest of the article, we explain these measurement challenges, describe how the expert assessments from V-Dem approach them, and detail how we constructed the chart. ## What makes forced labor difficult to tr

2187

48

0

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[{"type": "text", "value": "For much of history, forced labor was widespread and brutal. Tens of millions of people were made to work under the threat of violence or punishment. At its most extreme, this meant slavery: people were bought, sold, and inherited like property."}, {"type": "text", "value": "These abuses weren’t hidden from the state. Governments often allowed forced labor, protected slave owners by law and through force, and used forced labor themselves. Most people saw slavery and forced labor as a normal part of economic and social life."}, {"type": "text", "value": "The situation today is very different. Many governments have ended their own use of forced labor, changed laws, and now prosecute those who use it. As we explain below, some forms of forced labor and human trafficking still exist — but they are much less common than in the past. Most people now see them as abhorrent, and they expect governments to protect people from them."}, {"type": "text", "value": "The chart below summarizes how these massive changes unfolded across the globe. It shows for each point in time how many countries had not yet abolished “large-scale” forced labor, meaning forced labor that was common and entrenched — tolerated, enabled, or imposed by authorities, rather than isolated abuse.1"}, {"type": "text", "value": "To measure this specific form of large-scale forced labor, we rely on expert assessments from the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project, based at the University of Gothenburg, in Sweden.2 Below, we explain the precise definitions in more detail, and say more about why we chose this source and how we built on it."}, {"type": "text", "value": "What the chart shows has been well documented in the many excellent books by historians and social scientists. They discuss in rich and horrific detail how these oppressive systems worked, and how enslaved people and abolitionists fought to bring them down.3 What we add to this is a quantitative, bird’s-eye perspective on the global history of slavery and forced labor."}, {"type": "text", "value": "In this chart, we see how common large-scale forced labor was until recently. Based on this data, just nine countries did not have large-scale forced labor at any time since the late 18th century.4"}, {"type": "text", "value": "After a small number of countries reduced forced labor substantially in the early 1800s, the rest of the 19th century, and the first decades of the 20th, saw steady successes in the fight for abolition."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Progress accelerated in the mid-20th century. In just a few decades, dozens of countries abolished large-scale forced labor: at the end of World War II, almost 100 countries still had such systems in place. Only one generation later, by 1975, that number had fallen to 31. In recent decades, the number of countries where forced labor is common has continued to fall, though at a slower pace."}, {"type": "text", "value": "In 2024, there were nine countries with large-scale forced labor.5 And even in countries where forced labor was not common and entrenched that year, there were cases of it in every one of them."}, {"type": "text", "value": "While forced labor remains a problem today, its decline is one of the biggest social and economic changes in history. It greatly reduced some of the worst abuses of human rights and gave many millions of people much more freedom to live their lives. This shows that large changes to our societies and economies are possible — even those that were once unimaginable."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Much of this progress is also surprisingly recent. In many places, slavery was abolished in the 19th century, but similarly repressive systems continued under new names and legal systems. It wasn’t until the decades after World War II that decolonization dismantled the highly coercive colonial labor systems in many more countries."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Summarizing changes of this scale in a single chart

[]

[]

8

four-minutes-of-air-conditioning

Four minutes of air conditioning

Billions of people have access to far less electricity per day than is required to run an air conditioner for just one hour.

Billions of people have access to far less electricity per day than is required to run an air conditioner for just one hour.

https://ourworldindata.org/four-minutes-of-air-conditioning

CC-BY-4.0

["Hannah Ritchie"]

For five months of the year, temperatures in South Sudan’s capital, Juba, climb above 35 degrees Celsius. These temperatures are punishing for anyone, but particularly here, where air conditioning cannot offer any relief. While people in richer parts of the world can switch on their ACs, for billions in energy-poor countries, there is little electricity available to power a fan or an air conditioner. We can see this by comparing how much electricity people use at home on a typical day with how much power an air conditioner requires.1 Let’s consider a typical single-room air conditioner that uses around 1,000 watt-hours of electricity in an hour.2 In at least 45 countries, the average residential electricity use per person for an entire day is less than the electricity that is required to power an air conditioner for one hour.3 In the chart, I’ve shown how long the average person could run an air conditioner for across a selection of these countries. In India, the daily electricity budget is sufficient for only 44 minutes of AC. In Nigeria, just 13 minutes; and in South Sudan, just 4.4 As a consequence, most people in some of the world’s hottest countries do not use AC. The most recent data from the International Energy Agency suggests that just 5% of households in India, 6% in South Africa, and 16% in Brazil had air conditioning.5 In the very poorest countries, almost no one has it. What alternatives do they have? Maybe an electric fan? Even a basic one is out of reach for many. An electric fan uses around 50 watt-hours of electricity per hour. The chart below shows how long the average person could run one for across another set of countries. The average Nigerian could run a fan for around 4 hours (although they would have no other power to spare for lighting, phone charging, or cooking). The average in Haiti is about 2.5 hours. But in the world’s most energy-poor countries, the average person cannot switch on a fan for even just an hour. Extreme heat makes it harder to sleep, learn, and work. It raises the risk of both acute and chronic illnesses, including heart disease, stroke, and kidney disease. Because the heat impacts people’s productivity, it traps people in poverty.6 In colder countries, we wouldn’t accept people freezing in their homes. The opposite is also true: we shouldn’t accept people working and living in oppressive heat without ways to cool themselves down. Air conditioning can be a truly life-saving solution for some people and make life much less miserable for billions. If they are to become available for billions, the world needs more and cheaper power and an end to global poverty.

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2637

[{"type": "image", "image_index": 0, "filename": "minutes-of-air-conditioning.png", "alt": "Energy poverty: How long could the average person run an air conditioner every day?\n\nHorizontal bar chart showing how many minutes a typical 1000W single-room air conditioner could be powered by the average per capita residential electricity use in various countries. Values by country: India 44 minutes; Sri Lanka 39 minutes; Pakistan 37 minutes; Zimbabwe 25 minutes; Nigeria 13 minutes; Kenya 10 minutes; Haiti 8 minutes; South Sudan 4 minutes; Rwanda 3 minutes; Chad 1 minute. Key insight: large disparities in residential electricity access, with even the highest-listed country able to run a 1000W air conditioner less than one hour per day. Footer data source text: Data source: Calculated based on International Energy Agency and UN World Population Prospects."}, {"type": "image", "image_index": 1, "filename": "minutes-of-electric-fan.png", "alt": "Energy poverty: How long could the average person run an electric fan every day?\n\nHorizontal bar chart showing how many minutes or hours a standard 50 watt electric fan could be powered each day by the average per-capita residential electricity use in selected countries, bars sorted from longest to shortest.\n\n- Nigeria: 4 hours 12 minutes\n- Yemen: 3 hours 55 minutes\n- Kenya: 3 hours 23 minutes\n- Ethiopia: 3 hours 7 minutes\n- Haiti: 2 hours 38 minutes\n- South Sudan: 1 hour 10 minutes\n- Uganda: 1 hour 6 minutes\n- DR Congo: 55 minutes\n- Chad: 18 minutes\n\nData source noted in the chart footer: calculated based on the International Energy Agency and UN World Population Prospects."}, {"type": "text", "value": "For five months of the year, temperatures in South Sudan’s capital, Juba, climb above 35 degrees Celsius. These temperatures are punishing for anyone, but particularly here, where air conditioning cannot offer any relief."}, {"type": "text", "value": "While people in richer parts of the world can switch on their ACs, for billions in energy-poor countries, there is little electricity available to power a fan or an air conditioner."}, {"type": "text", "value": "We can see this by comparing how much electricity people use at home on a typical day with how much power an air conditioner requires.1 Let’s consider a typical single-room air conditioner that uses around 1,000 watt-hours of electricity in an hour.2"}, {"type": "text", "value": "In at least 45 countries, the average residential electricity use per person for an entire day is less than the electricity that is required to power an air conditioner for one hour.3 In the chart, I’ve shown how long the average person could run an air conditioner for across a selection of these countries."}, {"type": "text", "value": "In India, the daily electricity budget is sufficient for only 44 minutes of AC. In Nigeria, just 13 minutes; and in South Sudan, just 4.4"}, {"type": "text", "value": "As a consequence, most people in some of the world’s hottest countries do not use AC. The most recent data from the International Energy Agency suggests that just 5% of households in India, 6% in South Africa, and 16% in Brazil had air conditioning.5 In the very poorest countries, almost no one has it."}, {"type": "text", "value": "What alternatives do they have? Maybe an electric fan?"}, {"type": "text", "value": "Even a basic one is out of reach for many."}, {"type": "text", "value": "An electric fan uses around 50 watt-hours of electricity per hour. The chart below shows how long the average person could run one for across another set of countries."}, {"type": "text", "value": "The average Nigerian could run a fan for around 4 hours (although they would have no other power to spare for lighting, phone charging, or cooking). The average in Haiti is about 2.5 hours. But in the world’s most energy-poor countries, the average person cannot switch on a fan for even just an hour."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Extreme heat makes it harder to sleep, learn, 

[
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[{"type": "image", "filename": "minutes-of-air-conditioning.png", "alt": "Energy poverty: How long could the average person run an air conditioner every day?\n\nHorizontal bar chart showing how many minutes a typical 1000W single-room air conditioner could be powered by the average per capita residential electricity use in various countries. Values by country: India 44 minutes; Sri Lanka 39 minutes; Pakistan 37 minutes; Zimbabwe 25 minutes; Nigeria 13 minutes; Kenya 10 minutes; Haiti 8 minutes; South Sudan 4 minutes; Rwanda 3 minutes; Chad 1 minute. Key insight: large disparities in residential electricity access, with even the highest-listed country able to run a 1000W air conditioner less than one hour per day. Footer data source text: Data source: Calculated based on International Energy Agency and UN World Population Prospects.", "size": "wide", "url": "https://ourworldindata.org/cdn-cgi/imagedelivery/qLq-8BTgXU8yG0N6HnOy8g/7a5bdf9f-d9ad-43b5-5bf6-eca85b89f100/w=2550", "img_kind": "cdn", "source": "cdn_fetch"}, {"type": "image", "filename": "minutes-of-electric-fan.png", "alt": "Energy poverty: How long could the average person run an electric fan every day?\n\nHorizontal bar chart showing how many minutes or hours a standard 50 watt electric fan could be powered each day by the average per-capita residential electricity use in selected countries, bars sorted from longest to shortest.\n\n- Nigeria: 4 hours 12 minutes\n- Yemen: 3 hours 55 minutes\n- Kenya: 3 hours 23 minutes\n- Ethiopia: 3 hours 7 minutes\n- Haiti: 2 hours 38 minutes\n- South Sudan: 1 hour 10 minutes\n- Uganda: 1 hour 6 minutes\n- DR Congo: 55 minutes\n- Chad: 18 minutes\n\nData source noted in the chart footer: calculated based on the International Energy Agency and UN World Population Prospects.", "size": "wide", "url": "https://ourworldindata.org/cdn-cgi/imagedelivery/qLq-8BTgXU8yG0N6HnOy8g/fe4d5bee-2e6f-4adb-bbac-c6e3c9e5e500/w=2550", "img_kind": "cdn", "source": "cdn_fetch"}]

9

biofuels-demand-global-aviation

Could biofuels meet demand for global aviation?

To fuel all of the world’s aviation demand, global biofuels would need to more than triple and be exclusively used for air travel.

To fuel all of the world’s aviation demand, global biofuels would need to more than triple and be exclusively used for air travel.

https://ourworldindata.org/biofuels-demand-global-aviation

CC-BY-4.0

["Hannah Ritchie", "Pablo Rosado"]

Most of the world’s liquid biofuels currently go into cars and trucks, not planes. But how will this change in the future? Electric vehicles look like the leading decarbonization solution for road transport. Plummeting costs of batteries have made electric cars (and increasingly trucks) competitive with petrol and diesel ones. The outlook for aviation is less clear. Short-haul flights might go electric. Long-haul ones will be more challenging to electrify (although some analysts remain optimistic).1 Hydrogen is one possible alternative to jet fuel, but it is still far from commercial scale. Another option that gets a lot of attention is biofuels. A small amount of biofuels is already blended into jet fuel supplies in some countries. In 2023, Virgin Atlantic made headlines when it flew the first transatlantic flight powered entirely by biofuels. For many airlines, biofuels are currently the most practical decarbonization option.2 But how much biofuel does aviation actually use today? How much would be needed to replace fossil jet fuel — and could popular sources such as waste cooking oils ever meet that demand? In this article, we put the key numbers into perspective. ## Biofuels provide less than 1% of global aviation energy demand Two statements summarize the current situation with biofuels and aviation today. First, only a tiny share of global biofuel production is used for air travel — about 1% of it.3 Most is used for road transport. Second, biofuels make up only a very small fraction of aviation fuel itself. We estimate around 0.4%.4 In other words, aviation still runs almost entirely on fossil jet fuel. Despite decades of innovation and discussions about moving to more sustainable options, the fuel mix has barely changed. ## All of the world’s liquid biofuels could power just a fraction of the aviation fleet Let’s imagine we went all-in on the electrification of road transport and biofuels were no longer needed for cars and trucks. Would the world’s biofuels power every plane instead? The answer is no. In 2024, the world produced an estimated 1,400 terawatt-hours (TWh) of energy in the form of liquid biofuels. The global aviation fleet consumed 3,932 TWh.5 That means we would need to almost triple global biofuel production to meet today’s demand. This is in the most optimistic case. Reallocating all of the world’s bioethanol and biodiesel to aviation is not a one-to-one swap. Producing jet-equivalent fuel from bio-based inputs also yields non-jet co-products such as naphtha, fuel gas, or diesel, and involves conversion losses. Depending on the pathway, perhaps only 30% to 80% of it ends up as jet fuel. If we assume 50%, only around 700 TWh of energy would be available for aviation — enough to meet just one-sixth of today’s demand. Keep in mind that at least 32 million hectares — a Germany-sized area of land — is already used to produce liquid biofuels. Based on the current mix of biofuel crops we grow, we’d need between three and six times the area of Germany. But we’d also expect aviation demand to continue growing; how much will depend on trends in air travel demand and improvements in aircraft efficiency. In the past, efficiency gains have been impressive: the amount of fuel burned per passenger-kilometer has dropped by more than 60% since 1990.7 In a paper published in Nature Sustainability, Candelaria Bergero and colleagues modeled aviation energy demand in 2050 under different assumptions.8 They estimated that energy demand ranges from as little as 1,200 TWh in a scenario where plane efficiency improves dramatically, to 7,600 TWh in a “business-as-usual” scenario.9 In the business-as-usual case, biofuel production would need to increase five to tenfold to meet aviation demand with today’s fuel mix.10  Even in optimistic scenarios, aviation efficiency would need to improve at over four times the historical rate to make biofuels a dominant solution. The aviation industry itself acknowledges this gap — particularly if

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[{"type": "text", "value": "Most of the world’s liquid biofuels currently go into cars and trucks, not planes."}, {"type": "text", "value": "But how will this change in the future? Electric vehicles look like the leading decarbonization solution for road transport. Plummeting costs of batteries have made electric cars (and increasingly trucks) competitive with petrol and diesel ones."}, {"type": "text", "value": "The outlook for aviation is less clear. Short-haul flights might go electric. Long-haul ones will be more challenging to electrify (although some analysts remain optimistic).1 Hydrogen is one possible alternative to jet fuel, but it is still far from commercial scale."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Another option that gets a lot of attention is biofuels. A small amount of biofuels is already blended into jet fuel supplies in some countries. In 2023, Virgin Atlantic made headlines when it flew the first transatlantic flight powered entirely by biofuels. For many airlines, biofuels are currently the most practical decarbonization option.2"}, {"type": "text", "value": "But how much biofuel does aviation actually use today? How much would be needed to replace fossil jet fuel — and could popular sources such as waste cooking oils ever meet that demand?"}, {"type": "text", "value": "In this article, we put the key numbers into perspective."}, {"type": "text", "value": "## Biofuels provide less than 1% of global aviation energy demand"}, {"type": "image", "image_index": 0, "filename": "biofuel-use-in-aviation.png", "alt": "Less than 1% of the world's liquid biofuels are used for aviation\n\nTwo vertical bars comparing uses. Left bar titled \"What liquid biofuels are used for\" shows road transport 99% and aviation <1%. Right bar titled \"What fuels are used in aviation\" shows fossil jet fuel 99.6% and biojet fuel 0.4%. Key point: most liquid biofuels go to road transport and almost all aviation fuel is fossil jet fuel. Data source: Energy Institute; International Energy Agency."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Two statements summarize the current situation with biofuels and aviation today."}, {"type": "text", "value": "First, only a tiny share of global biofuel production is used for air travel — about 1% of it.3 Most is used for road transport."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Second, biofuels make up only a very small fraction of aviation fuel itself. We estimate around 0.4%.4"}, {"type": "text", "value": "In other words, aviation still runs almost entirely on fossil jet fuel. Despite decades of innovation and discussions about moving to more sustainable options, the fuel mix has barely changed."}, {"type": "text", "value": "## All of the world’s liquid biofuels could power just a fraction of the aviation fleet"}, {"type": "image", "image_index": 1, "filename": "global-biofuels-vs-aviation-demand.png", "alt": "Using all liquid biofuels for aviation would meet just over one-third of demand.\n\nBar chart with two vertical bars: left bar labeled \"Global liquid biofuel production\" with value 1,400 TWh; right bar labeled \"Energy consumed for aviation\" with value 3,930 TWh. A note above the chart states less than 1 percent of global liquid biofuels are currently used for aviation and that reallocating all of them to aviation would provide just over one-third of demand.\n\nData sources listed: Energy Institute; International Energy Agency; Bergero et al. (2023)."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Let’s imagine we went all-in on the electrification of road transport and biofuels were no longer needed for cars and trucks. Would the world’s biofuels power every plane instead?"}, {"type": "text", "value": "The answer is no."}, {"type": "text", "value": "In 2024, the world produced an estimated 1,400 terawatt-hours (TWh) of energy in the form of liquid biofuels. The global aviation fleet consumed 3,932 TWh.5 That means we would need to almost triple global biofuel production to meet today’s demand."}, {"type": "text", "value": "This is in th

[
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[{"type": "image", "filename": "biofuel-use-in-aviation.png", "alt": "Less than 1% of the world's liquid biofuels are used for aviation\n\nTwo vertical bars comparing uses. Left bar titled \"What liquid biofuels are used for\" shows road transport 99% and aviation <1%. Right bar titled \"What fuels are used in aviation\" shows fossil jet fuel 99.6% and biojet fuel 0.4%. Key point: most liquid biofuels go to road transport and almost all aviation fuel is fossil jet fuel. Data source: Energy Institute; International Energy Agency.", "size": "narrow", "url": "https://ourworldindata.org/cdn-cgi/imagedelivery/qLq-8BTgXU8yG0N6HnOy8g/ba7c7ada-9eec-4a9c-2af9-dd1841803700/w=1620", "img_kind": "cdn", "source": "cdn_fetch"}, {"type": "image", "filename": "global-biofuels-vs-aviation-demand.png", "alt": "Using all liquid biofuels for aviation would meet just over one-third of demand.\n\nBar chart with two vertical bars: left bar labeled \"Global liquid biofuel production\" with value 1,400 TWh; right bar labeled \"Energy consumed for aviation\" with value 3,930 TWh. A note above the chart states less than 1 percent of global liquid biofuels are currently used for aviation and that reallocating all of them to aviation would provide just over one-third of demand.\n\nData sources listed: Energy Institute; International Energy Agency; Bergero et al. (2023).", "size": "narrow", "url": "https://ourworldindata.org/cdn-cgi/imagedelivery/qLq-8BTgXU8yG0N6HnOy8g/fbf87a5b-fac1-4da6-2998-6ea2b515e600/w=1620", "img_kind": "cdn", "source": "cdn_fetch"}]

10

religion

Religion

Published in February 2026.

What share of the world is religious, and how is this changing? Explore global data and research on trends in religiosity.

https://ourworldindata.org/religion

CC-BY-4.0

["Hannah Ritchie", "Lucas Rodés-Guirao", "Pablo Arriagada", "Esteban Ortiz-Ospina"]

Most people in the world are religious. Religion — the beliefs, institutions, and practices that societies hold — play an important role in how billions of people live and think. For many, it plays a crucial role in their overall well-being and connection to others. It affects how cultures form and interact, how social attitudes evolve, and the policies that countries put in place or remove. Throughout the history of religion, it has played a crucial role in the global dynamics of conflict and cooperation, and it continues to do so today. Religiosity, just like urbanization or migration, is an important demographic indicator that helps us to understand the world and how it’s changing. There are also prominent debates about whether religion is in decline or whether, in particular demographics, there is a resurgence.1 These debates are often tied to political arguments and can therefore shape societal narratives and outcomes. Data can help us interrogate some of these patterns. On this page, we explore patterns of religious affiliation, participation, and belief. We look at data on changes in religiosity — and the potential decline of religion — across countries and over time. ## Religious affiliation: Which religions do people say they belong to? One way to understand how religious a society is, and what religions people identify with, is to simply ask people directly. Globally, most people say they belong to a religion, with Christianity and Islam accounting for the largest shares, but patterns vary widely across countries and regions. That’s what the data on religious affiliation in this section captures. It relies on survey and census responses. Someone is described as being religious or non-religious based on their self-identification. If they report in a survey that they are Christian, Muslim, or Hindu, this is what is recorded, regardless of their actual practices or specific beliefs. In this section, we look at this same affiliation data from several angles: how many people identify with a religion, which religions they identify with, and how these patterns vary across countries and regions. Most of this data comes from the Pew Research Center. Its large global analyses are based on more than 2,700 sources of data, including national censuses, large-scale demographic surveys, general population surveys, and population registers.2 ### How many people say they are part of a religion? In 2020, three-quarters of people globally said they were religious.3 That means they were self-affiliated with at least one of the world’s religions. But there are huge variations in religiosity across the world. In the map below, you can see the share of people religiously affiliated by country. Across Africa, the Middle East, and South America, the vast majority of people are religious. Rates tend to be well over 90%. Across Asia, Europe, and North America, rates are more mixed. In some Asian countries, such as India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, almost everyone says they follow a religion. But you can see that in China, rates are much lower. There, only around 10% do. In Europe, you also see large differences. Eastern Europe tends to be more religious. But even within Western and Southern Europe, there’s a lot of variation. More than 80% of people in Portugal, Italy, Denmark, and Ireland identify with a religion, compared to less than half in the Netherlands. In the bar chart below, you can compare the rates of specific countries. Again, the large differences are clear, even for countries in a similar region. ### The largest religious groups in the world Globally, Christians are the largest group based on self-identified religious identity. You can see this in the chart. Around 2.3 billion people identified as Christian, which was only slightly higher than the number that identified as Muslim. Those who are not affiliated with any religion were the third largest group, and were more than all other religions — except Christianity and Islam — c

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[{"type": "text", "value": "Most people in the world are religious. Religion — the beliefs, institutions, and practices that societies hold — play an important role in how billions of people live and think. For many, it plays a crucial role in their overall well-being and connection to others. It affects how cultures form and interact, how social attitudes evolve, and the policies that countries put in place or remove. Throughout the history of religion, it has played a crucial role in the global dynamics of conflict and cooperation, and it continues to do so today."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Religiosity, just like urbanization or migration, is an important demographic indicator that helps us to understand the world and how it’s changing."}, {"type": "text", "value": "There are also prominent debates about whether religion is in decline or whether, in particular demographics, there is a resurgence.1 These debates are often tied to political arguments and can therefore shape societal narratives and outcomes. Data can help us interrogate some of these patterns."}, {"type": "text", "value": "On this page, we explore patterns of religious affiliation, participation, and belief. We look at data on changes in religiosity — and the potential decline of religion — across countries and over time."}, {"type": "text", "value": "## Religious affiliation: Which religions do people say they belong to?"}, {"type": "text", "value": "One way to understand how religious a society is, and what religions people identify with, is to simply ask people directly."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Globally, most people say they belong to a religion, with Christianity and Islam accounting for the largest shares, but patterns vary widely across countries and regions."}, {"type": "text", "value": "That’s what the data on religious affiliation in this section captures. It relies on survey and census responses. Someone is described as being religious or non-religious based on their self-identification. If they report in a survey that they are Christian, Muslim, or Hindu, this is what is recorded, regardless of their actual practices or specific beliefs."}, {"type": "text", "value": "In this section, we look at this same affiliation data from several angles: how many people identify with a religion, which religions they identify with, and how these patterns vary across countries and regions."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Most of this data comes from the Pew Research Center. Its large global analyses are based on more than 2,700 sources of data, including national censuses, large-scale demographic surveys, general population surveys, and population registers.2"}, {"type": "text", "value": "### How many people say they are part of a religion?"}, {"type": "text", "value": "In 2020, three-quarters of people globally said they were religious.3 That means they were self-affiliated with at least one of the world’s religions."}, {"type": "text", "value": "But there are huge variations in religiosity across the world. In the map below, you can see the share of people religiously affiliated by country."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Across Africa, the Middle East, and South America, the vast majority of people are religious. Rates tend to be well over 90%."}, {"type": "text", "value": "Across Asia, Europe, and North America, rates are more mixed. In some Asian countries, such as India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, almost everyone says they follow a religion. But you can see that in China, rates are much lower. There, only around 10% do."}, {"type": "text", "value": "In Europe, you also see large differences. Eastern Europe tends to be more religious. But even within Western and Southern Europe, there’s a lot of variation. More than 80% of people in Portugal, Italy, Denmark, and Ireland identify with a religion, compared to less than half in the Netherlands."}, {"type": "text", "value": "In the bar chart below, you can compare the rates of specific countries. Again, the la

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